Blog - Page 2 of 8 - E. Mark Windle

Developmental Editing for Enhancing Non-Fiction Book Quality

E. Mark Windle 16 February 2025.

Editing is an essential part of refining a book to optimise its readability and impact prior to publication. A number of editing activities exist that have the ability to improve manuscript appeal. Each is of equal importance:

Developmental editing: considers the book as a whole. An evaluation and advice on structure, flow and cohesion of content
Line editing: a “sentence level” focus on writing style, tone and clarity
Copyediting: analysing and addressing issues with grammar, punctuation etc.
Proofreading: a final check to identify and address typographical errors and consistency of formatting

Beta reading

Beta reading is a read-through of the draft by one or more casual readers to give an early indication of the book’s “feel” to a general market. Readers at this stage may be friends, other writers or volunteer readers from the target demographic.

Beta reading typically occurs after the first or second draft, and before formal editing proceeds. While various guidelines exist to assist beta readers in giving feedback, it is an intentionally subjective process. Responses may centre around themes of relevance and interest; confusion and ambiguity; and where deficits may exist.

Developmental editing in close-up

The terms developmental editing and structural editing are often used interchangeably. Some in the industry consider these as related but distinct ‘big picture’ roles—developmental input may start earlier, has a coaching element and focuses on concepts and outlines, while structural edits involve analysis of passages and chapter structure, organisation and cohesion. In practice, many developmental editors provide a service which encompasses all these elements.

One purpose of developmental editing is to assess the core foundation of the draft— does it deliver its intentions? Has the draft been written in a way that engages the intended readership through its core message and how the story has been presented? Non-fiction developmental editing analyses the logical flow of text: the appropriateness of chapter order and content outlines, the location of specific information, historical / chronological order, relevance of passages, and how images or data are arranged within the body of the text. The editor also considers where ambiguity exists and provides advice on how to achieve clarity.

Examples of advice may be to remove certain repetitive anecdotes, events or passages; to transfer others to different locations within the draft; to extract data from the text and present as appendices; or to suggest the inclusion of further information to provide deeper emphasis.

What is not developmental editing? It’s not line or copy editing. It also does not usually include the fact-checking of names, dates, events or technical points that may fall under the remit of copy editing. With data-heavy text, fact checking may be considered a separate process. That said, some fact checking may be necessary and undertaken by the editor in the course of assessing clarity.

Unless agreed as an additional part of the contract, the developmental editor does not undertake the actual rewrite of the draft: that remains the responsibility of the writer. The role of the editor is to provide the client with a constructive and clear, actionable plan to improve the quality of the manuscript. Through provision of documented analysis and advice such as a manuscript evaluation report and annotated manuscript, the writer is given the tools to enhance the quality of their draft.

Developmental editing at Windlefreelance.com

Our service includes all aspects of non-fiction developmental / structural editing as described above for an existing book draft. A free, ‘no-obligation’ discussion is offered to gain insight to your project, answer any queries and to consider how our service could be best tailored to your needs. Following agreement to proceed, a contract will be drawn up to confirm mutually agreed timescales, milestones for deliverables and payment schedules.

Deliverables will include a detailed manuscript evaluation report. This report will refer to positive developmental and structural aspects of your draft, elements which require consideration, and recommendations for how these issues can be best addressed.

You will also be provided with a fully annotated manuscript containing comments on specific issues relating to chapters, pages or passages (where appropriate, more detailed comments will be found in the manuscript evaluation report). Additionally, annotations may refer to minor findings or suggestions which do not appear in the manuscript evaluation report. These may include some copy or line editing issues which lie outside the remit of the developmental editing contract but have been found incidentally.

Windlefreelance.com focuses on non-fiction developmental editing. Packages which also include copy/line editing and proof reading can be arranged. These particular services may be outsourced to trusted freelance partners.

For more information or to arrange a call, contact us here

A Nickel And A Nail Focusing on Publishing Imprint from March 2026

E. Mark Windle 12 February 2026.

From 1st March 2026, A Nickel And A Nail will be focusing activities purely on publishing and freelance writing activities rather than book retail. Current customers who are subscribed to the bookstore mailing list should have already received notification.

Future book sales will be through our Ko-fi or eBay outlets. The decision to avoid using Amazon as an online merchant platform has been made on ethical grounds—the association with Israel through its Project Nimbus contract places Amazon high on our boycott list.

Please note our sales will be restricted to domestic (UK) customers only. However all publications on the ANAAN imprint can ordered by overseas customers via Lulu.com. Lulu offers print-on-demand facilities on most continents, which should provide postage benefits and avoid customs charges.

Failure, Fatalities and Falsehood: The Dire Legacy of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation

E. Mark Windle 2 January 2026

From a chronological perspective, my previous book The Hundred Year Hunger ended tracking events in Gaza with its publication during Spring 2025. At that point, Trump’s idea of a US takeover of Gaza was being proposed, and a separate “Arab Plan” for reconstruction was under discussion in Cairo. Meanwhile, over 90% of women and children were unable to meet their nutritional needs, and the Israeli blockade was an ever-present barrier to receiving food aid.

It’s a safe bet that even those exposed to the most limited or biased news outlets are aware the Gaza story is constantly unfolding—including the ongoing slaughter of hundreds of Palestinians since the empty declaration of a ceasefire in October last year. It was inevitable then that a follow-up book was on the cards. Key points of reference to continue the timeline of nutritional welfare issues were needed, though the search wasn’t difficult. One was the announcement in August 2025 that famine was occurring in the northern Gaza governate and was likely to spread to other regions within weeks.

Another major topic was the creation of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, the Israeli-US enterprise that marketed promises of improving Palestinian welfare through a new way of aid delivery, but whose activities were plagued by suspicion and controversy from the outset. In all things Gaza, there exists cycles of claim and counterclaim, perpetuated by falsification, ambiguity and—largely due to restrictions of access for international journalists—difficulties in fact-checking. The history of the GHF has escaped none of that.

Motives for control of aid handling

While much of the GHF origin story remains a mystery (including some of its funding sources), there is no dispute over its backing by Israel and the US. Nor is any secret made of the strained relationship between Israel and the United Nations or its associated bodies. An obvious demonstration of this has been Israel’s ban of UNRWA: one of the first agencies to support the diaspora created at the beginning of the Nakba in the 1940s.

Israel’s constant narrative used in defence of its blockade on Gaza and the stranglehold on aid agencies through border closure is that the presence of Hamas necessitates these steps. That extends to control of aid handling. Israel claims that Hamas regularly intercepts and acquires goods from UN trucks enroute or at aid sites. The UN and others deny this is a significant problem. The concept of an Israeli-US backed distribution venture has also been viewed by many as a blatant attempt to polish Israel’s global image and to override existing UN / UNRWA work.

GHF structure and operational plan

In February 2025, the GHF was officially registered as a private company in Delaware. The following month, US and Israeli government officials confirmed establishment of the GHF, with a structure involving US private security contractors Safe Reach Solutions, UG Solutions, and the Boston Consulting Group. The first Executive Director, Jake Woods, was appointed, only to resign after two weeks. In his opinion the GHF’s objectives did not have fundamental humanitarian principles at their core. ^{1, 2}

The plan included four centralised distribution hubs, in contrast to the UN’s 400. These were located at Rafah, Tal al-Sultan, Khan Younis and Wadi Gaza. Three were in the south—where there was already a strong Israeli military presence, and prior evacuation orders had cleared the immediate area of civilians. IDF soldiers and armed US security personnel were positioned at or near hubs.

Aid supply would occur once or twice per month, at specific times announced online. By May, and with the promise of delivering aid to more than one million civilians within a week, the GHF commenced its sessions to deliver pre-packed food items, hygiene and medical kits.

Food parcel contents and nutritional adequacy

By late July 2025, the GHF claimed it had provided 91 million meals. These were primarily as standard food parcels, though the organisation didn’t publicly share a description of the contents until two months later. Since Gaza was still largely off-limits to international journalists, Kevin Nguyen and Alex Murray reported on the packages for BBC Verify using the images supplied, additional information from the GHF, and commentary from nutritional experts. ³

Images posted on a GHF social media account were of mainly dried foods which required water and fuel to cook such as pasta, various beans, split peas, chickpeas and flour. In addition, cooking oil, salt, sesame paste and ready-to-eat foods (halva snack bars rather than meal items) were provided.

BBC Verify were provided with information on weights and basic nutritional content. Each aid box weighed 19.5kg and provided a total of 42,500 kcal, estimated to be enough to feed 5.5 people for half a week. The GHF stated that potatoes and onions were also being delivered, though no detail on quantities were provided.

Relevant experts were consulted by BBC Verify on nutritional adequacy. It was accepted that the parcels could be a means of attending to the immediate challenge of limiting the rapid development of acute malnutrition from a caloric perspective. Beyond that however, parcels provided inadequate cover for various vitamin, mineral and trace elements. Professor Stuart Gordon from the London School of Economics felt that near-exclusive reliance on food packages could exacerbate existing levels of anaemia and scurvy. Associate Professor Andrew Seal, University College London, added that levels were inadequate in respect of calcium, zinc, iron, vitamin C and some B vitamins.

An overriding issue was the availability of potable water, and not only for drinking use. Without water for cooking purposes, the supply of dried foods itself a failed concept.

Calls for GHF closure

Multiple NGOs expressed concerns with how the GHF was rolling out distributions and case reports of violence. A UN press release in August 2025 highlighted concerns from Francesca Albanese and ten other Special Rapporteurs that Israel, as a backer of the GHF was abandoning its legal responsibility under the Geneva Convention to fully protect Gazan civilians during aid sessions. ⁴ In the first two months of opening, 859 people had been killed at or near GHF hubs.

The UN commented that the GHF were not accounting for the needs of the most vulnerable. Women, children, the elderly and those with disabilities were likely to be physically unable to make the journey due to site centralisation. In another communication, UNICEF pointed out that the weight of GHF aid boxes was an obvious limitation for children and the weak unable to carry heavy loads by hand over long distances. ⁵

Closure and the GHF impact report

By Autumn was a shift in dynamics of the conflict, at least in terms of rhetoric, and operations were shut down. Within the detail of the ceasefire agreement effective from 10 October 2025, a clause stated aid distribution was to fall back to the UN and other recognised agencies, for reasons undisclosed. Critics postulated those as being international pressure, the now globally visible failure of GHF as another factor in the downward spiral of Israel’s PR image, and an unwillingness on anyone’s part to continue funding an outfit with monthly expenses of over 140 million US dollars. ⁶

Indeed, beyond initial cash injection from the US and a mysterious donor (rumoured to be Israel itself), struggles regarding financing were a running theme. Also relevant to ceasefire arrangements, three GHF hubs would sit by default inside new no-go areas for Palestinians, meaning there would be the need for closure and re-establishment elsewhere.

Even post-closure of the GHF came the inevitable kind of obdurate denial now normalised by the Israeli government, the IDF and complicit nations. The impact report published in November 2025 ⁷ and available via the GHF website has been viewed by many as demonstration in institutional whitewashing. In it, Executive Director John Acree proclaimed that the organisation had built “an alternative model that worked—one that saved lives and restored dignity to civilians in Gaza” and referred to “a successful mission… (that) laid the groundwork for a ceasefire and for the future of Gaza”.

The tone throughout the rest of the report was that of hubs being places of calm and exuberant appreciation from civilians who attended them. Other claims followed:

GHF was never intended to be a long-term solution, but a temporary bridge
During its 4.5 months run, 187 million meals were delivered, reaching “tens of thousands of people each day (and) built the trust of the people we served”
Three million food boxes were delivered
Hubs were clearly marked for civilians
GHF repeatedly invited coordination with UN agencies and international NGOs to combine and coordinate efforts
No truck-diversion or looting incidents occurred
GHF collaborated with Samaritan’s Purse medical teams to provide maternal and infant care at the sites

Assuming GHF’s pride on its real-time tracking, formal accounting and audit systems was justified, some of the statistics may be interpreted as accurate. According to one report however, there were questionable elements of its quality assurance processes. ⁸ It was also true that the UN and other agencies refused to work with the GHF. However, as vocalised by these groups, the desire was stronger to avoid complicity in actions that put civilians in physical danger, and which ignored basic humanitarian principles. The GHF collaboration with Samaritan’s Purse to provide medical support at the sites did occur, although this was on a very small scale, using a six-member team of paramedics and nurses across all GHF sites. ⁹

BBC Panorama documentary “Gaza: Dying for Food”

Other aspects, including the physical ease of civilians to reach the sites and the visibility of hubs and their boundaries, were in complete contrast to what had been uncovered a couple of months earlier. Presented by BBC International Editor Jeremy Bowen, the TV documentary “Gaza: Dying for Food” aired its investigation of the GHF on 22 September 2025. ¹⁰Panorama used a combination of direct witness interviews, commissioned Palestinian freelancers already inside Gaza, and analysed satellite images, camera stills and video footage. Statistics and reported facts were verified with independent and reliable sources as far as possible.

Key findings from the programme reinforced concerns already made by Francesca Albanese and colleagues, and provided additional compelling indictments:

The few available GHF hubs (and closure of the first site within 3 weeks) meant extremely long journeys on foot were necessary, often causing frustration and desperation by the time civilians reached the hubs.
Bowen interviewed an Israeli soldier present at one of the GHF sites during the summer of 2025. The witness reported that opening times at the hubs would alter every day. Civilians would need to have online access to social media to be aware of the times. The amount of notice given was often very short.
The soldier commented that crowds were often hungry and in a frenzy. Soldiers were ordered to fire warning shots to hold back the crowd until the allotted opening time. Green and red lines marked the hub perimeters. Green lines were where warning shots were to be fired. Soldiers were permitted to use lethal force if anyone crossed the red line. The soldier also noted that the sites were so badly planned that lines were not always clear to civilians, and shooting was often random and uncontrolled.
When the BBC approached senior IDF representatives about the use of red and green lines and indiscriminate shooting, these points were not addressed, other than confirming some civilians were harmed and that lessons were learned.
GHF officials had claimed sites could potentially open for up to five hours at a time. However, BBC analysis of schedules and related resources indicated that the maximum time any site was open for was 46 minutes. The average across all distribution episodes was 12 minutes.
A Palestinian boy named Abdullah was shot (along with 18 others on the same day) at one particular hub, more than 500 metres from the perimeter and outside the site entrance. Panorama’s analysis of camera footage confirmed gunfire came from the direction of the site, which was under complete control of Israeli forces at the time. Despite this, the IDF denied any civilians were deliberately shot or killed.
An NHS vascular surgeon who had treated hundreds of gunshot wounds at Nassar Hospital was frequently told by patients and accompanying individuals that the injuries were caused by GHF security personnel or the IDF shooting directly into the crowds.
An unidentified GHF whistleblower who worked and filmed secretly at a number of hubs described how people tended to gather before site opens to get in front of the surge for food. Many GHF contracted staff were former US soldiers and would routinely fire warning shots without justification. Civilians would frequently be referred to in a derogatory manner as the shooting intensified.

Panorama approached an Israeli Ambassador and IDF senior representatives for a response to the programme’s findings. Both declined to be interviewed. Independently of the Panorama programme, other BBC investigative journalism has captured further witness accounts and reports of indiscriminate shooting at various GHF hubs, which Isreal and the GHF continued to either deny or blame Hamas.

As expected, pro-Israel lobbyists quickly registered their complaints. One claim of biased journalism which leaned disproportionately on Palestinian-sourced data. Another was the programme’s selective use of data from the US-led Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED), while ignoring eye-witness reports—also from ACLED—that Hamas and “unidentified Palestinian gunmen” were responsible for some deaths near distribution centres. ¹¹ Of course, it is critically important to determine the nature of all shootings that occurred at or near all sites. The reality is that a truly comprehensive, objective exploration of events will only occur in a legal setting, and primarily through accumulated testimony—if indeed investigations of accountability ever reach a court. There is one known: statistics indicate that civilians were more likely to be killed or injured at one of the four GHF hubs than at hundreds of UN sites.

Inefficiency and falsification

Quite apart from the use of militarisation and its lethal consequences, was the GHF even effective in getting food to the Gazan population? According to a fund approval review by USAID, GHF’s risk management plan lacked guarantees that the stated amount of aid would actually reach the intended recipients. ⁸ The limitations of operations also speak for themselves. Extreme centralisation of a service that reduces accessibility for the masses; particularly for the most vulnerable. Poorly planned food box content. Little notice of site opening times. A requirement to receive social media notifications in an environment; where, in some regions, power and communications are scarce. Extremely short open sessions.

On the subject of actual food delivered, the GHF previously claimed that it had delivered up to 8,000 boxes of food within a few hours. Other agencies consider this as fantasy. Even those well versed in aid handling dispense 500-1,000 boxes at best in one day. Multiple unrelated eyewitnesses at the Rafah site reported a typical amount of five or six pallets of boxes at most, again casting doubt on GHF efficiency claims. There is even ambiguity over extrapolation of parcel contents to an equivalent number of “meals” provided, since they were unprepared and mainly dried carbohydrate staple items, with very little protein content. ¹²

Given the GHF’s contribution to human rights breaches and the need for accountability, its closure brings only limited solace. At least failings have been publicly exposed by diverse sources: NGOs, Palestinian civilians, nutrition experts, whistleblowers, journalists and objective forensic analysis. The GHF isn’t the first expensive failure which provided little alleviation in the suffering of the Palestinian people. In 2024, a $240 million US floating pier project promised significant aid delivery but ended up being partly used for military means and supplied the equivalent of one day’s food before the idea was abandoned. The GHF model is now also assigned to the bin. The fear is what will be next.

References

Jeong A. Gaza Humanitarian Foundation head resigns, casting more doubt on aid plan. The Washington Post [Internet]. 2025 May 25 [cited 2025 Dec 21]. Available from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2025/05/25/gaza-humanitarian-foundation-aid-jake-wood/
Diamond J. Head of controversial new Gaza aid group says he won’t be part of displacing Palestinians, urges UN to participate in plan. CNN [Internet]. 2025 May 16 [cited 2025 Dec 21]. Available from: https://edition.cnn.com/2025/05/16/middleeast/israel-gaza-humanitarian-foundation-interview-latam-intl
Nguyden K and Murray A. What is inside the GHF food aid box being distributed in Gaza? BBC Verify [Internet]. 2025 Jul 26 [cited 2025 Dec 23]. Available from: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cd787er1qz4o
UN experts call for immediate dismantling of Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. OHCHR Press Release [Internet]. 2025 Aug 5 [cited 2025 Dec 23]. Available from: https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/08/un-experts-call-immediate-dismantling-gaza-humanitarian-foundation\
Graham-Harrison E. Israel-backed food aid group admits it won’t be able to reach most vulnerable in Gaza. The Guardian [Internet]. 2025 May 17 [cited 2025 Dec 28]. Available from: https://theguardian.com/world/2025/may/17/israel-backed-food-aid-group-admits-it-wont-be-able-to-reach-most-vulnerable-in-gaza
Amit H. Over $140 Million a Month: The Secret Source Funding Gaza Humanitarian Aid. Haaretz [Internet]. 2025 May 29 [cited Dec 30, 2025]. Available from: https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2025-05-29/ty-article/.premium/over-140-million-a-month-the-secret-source-funding-gaza-humanitarian-aid/00000197-171f-de0d-a7f7-b77f347c0000
Gaza Humanitarian Foundation Impact Report. November 2025 [PDF] [cited 2025 Dec 20]. Available from: https://ghf.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/Gaza-Humanitarian-Impact-Report-November-2025.pdf
Abou-Ghazala Y and Hansler J. CNN. July 8, 2025. USAID review raised ‘critical concerns’ over Gaza aid group days before $30 million US grant. CNN [Internet]. 2025 Jul 8 [cited 2025 Dec 30]. Available from: https://www.cnn.com/2025/07/08/us/usaid-gaza-humanitarian-foundation-israel-grant
Shimron Y. Samaritan’s Purse Joins Gaza Humanitarian Foundation’s Aid Efforts in Gaza. Ministry Watch [Internet]. 2025 Aug 25 [cited 2025 Dec 30]. Available from: https://ministrywatch.com/samaritans-purse-joins-gaza-humanitarian-foundations-aid-efforts-in-gaza/
BBC Panorama. Gaza: Dying for Food [Documentary]. BBC One. 2025 Sep 22 [cited 2025 Dec 30]. Available from: www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/m002jxm2/panorama-gaza-dying-for-food
How the BBC lost the Public’s Trust—One Gaza Documentary at a Time. Conservative Post [Internet]. 2025 Oct 5 [cited 2025 Dec 30]. Available from: https://conservativepost.co.uk/how-the-bbc-lost-the-publics-trust-one-gaza-documentary-at-a-time/
Bronte TD and Pires LS. Scarce, poor in nutrition, and very difficult to cook: The mirage of food aid from the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. El País [Internet]. 2025 Jun 9 [cited 2025 Dec 31]. Available from: https://english.elpais.com/international/2025-06-09/scarce-poor-in-nutrition-and-very-difficult-to-cook-the-mirage-of-food-aid-from-the-gaza-humanitarian-foundation.html

Before the Wind Cried Mary

E. Mark Windle 21 October 2025.

A story of the early days of Hendrix, The King Kasuals and the Nashville R&B scene

Motown had The Funk Brothers, Stax had The Memphis Horns, Muscle Shoals had The Swampers, and Nashville’s Black music scene had The King Kasuals. Er, wait a minute. Who?

The partnership that existed between Jimi Hendrix, Billy Cox and later Johnny Jones as members of The King Kasuals may be a less documented part of his life. But as Jimi once commented, that was when he really learned to play guitar.

The yarn of The King Kasuals (later spelled with a “C”) is hard to pin down fully, since it features numerous personnel changes, and complex amalgamations with other bands. If we are talking origin stories though, that lay with Hendrix and Cox in the very early 1960s while both were still in the 101st Airborne at Fort Campbell. Along with fellow soldiers Gary Ferguson on drums and sax player Major Washington, The Kasuals (as they were known then) were a popular act in the servicemen clubs and off-base at the Pink Poodle Club in Clarksville, TN.

ARRIVING AT JEFFERSON STREET

In truth though, Hendrix was never cut out for the military. He often found himself up on report for breaches of protocol and sleeping on duty. Within a year both Hendrix and Cox managed to find themselves discharged from service.

From left: Jimi Hendrix at an unknown 1960s Nashville nightclub, with singers Leona Douglas and Jean Gilbert, an unidentified musician, and singer Yvonne Gilbert (image courtesy of the Gilbert family).

In the search for work they drifted to Nashville, and took up an apartment above a Jefferson Street beauty store. These days, save some small pockets of redevelopment, the area surrounding Jefferson Street has been bulldozed, cleared or left derelict. Fifty or sixty years ago though it was a different story—Jefferson Street was a vibrant entertainment area for the Black community lined with bars, diners and nightclubs; and was a focal point for local and visiting blues and R&B performers.

CLUB RESIDENCY

The Del Morocco on 2417 Jefferson St. was a plush dinner club venue with a two hundred patron capacity, owned by Theodore “Uncle Teddy” Acklen. The newly formed King Kasuals (now with additional musicians) had secured a one-year residency. Most weeks they would play the Del Morocco, then gig through the rest of the week on the chitlin’ circuit within a few hundred miles radius of Nashville.

By 1963, Cox changed the name of the band temporarily to Billy Cox and the Sandpipers, influenced by the name of a local night club. Record rep Hoss Allen had just left his post at Chess and had returned to Nashville to get more involved in production and promotion. He invited Cox along to cover some session work at the Starday-King studios for some local acts he potentially wanted to record. Cox brought Hendrix along with him. From then on, the pair were to appear on a number of recordings including Frank Howard and the Commanders’ soulful “I’m So Glad” (also written by Cox). Frank informed me once that Hoss had to instruct the sound engineers to turn the over-enthusiastic Jimi way down in the mix…

Johnny Jones was next to join The Kasuals, and was nominated band leader. Tennessee-born Jones had moved to Memphis and Chicago as a youngster, where he learned his craft as a blues guitarist under the supervision of Junior Wells and Freddie King. By 1961 Jones had settled in Nashville and was already working as a session musician. As a performer, he was a member of The Imperial Seven (a.k.a. The Imperials), coincidentally another band who were resident at another Teddy Acklen club on Jefferson Street. This was where Johnny would first meet with Hendrix.

One version of The Imperials, at the New Era Club, early 1960s (image credit: Country Music Hall of Fame and Museum)

NASHVILLE TV AND THE WANDERING YEARS OF HENDRIX

After further personnel changes within The Imperials and The King Kasuals, Jones, Hendrix and Cox came together as a performing group in their own right; supporting visiting acts in the area on the chitlin’ circuit and undertaking session work. During this time, local vocalist Jimmy Church had caught their attention. Church was a confident singer and performer on stage, with a fair degree of recording experience behind him already. As The King Kasuals’ local reputation grew, they were approached to be the resident outfit on R&B TV shows Night Train and The !!!! Beat, with Jimmy Church taking a hand in everything from solo performances and providing vocal backing to other artists, to playing percussion.

For Hendrix, 1964 to 1966 was a prolific, if wandering, period. Look in any book at the discography of Hendrix and you’ll see he was all over the east coast, moving from band to band while still intermittently playing with The King Kasuals. Church reports that this was largely due to his association with the flamboyant MC and singer Gorgeous George, who encouraged Hendrix to follow him on his chitlin’ circuit rounds. In a remarkably short period of time, Hendrix was given the opportunity to back a plethora of acts including The Isley Brothers, Don Covey, The Tams, Little Richard and Curtis Knight and the Squires. It was through these musical diversions Hendrix would finally meet Animals’ bass guitarist Chas Chandler and his manager during a gig at Greenwich Village, New York— a connection which ultimately lured him to the UK.

JOHN RICHBOURG AND SOUND STAGE 7 RECORDS

Around the time of the departure of Hendrix, the group name changed again to Johnny Jones and the King Casuals. With Jones as band leader and Jimmy Church as lead singer, live performances were recommenced. White Detroit keyboardist and arranger Bob Wilson even joined forces with Cox and Jones at one point to provide session work on recordings by artists on Nashville’s (mostly R&B) Sound Stage 7 label, operated by WLAC DJ, John Richbourg.

Jimmy Church’s first direct connection with John Richbourg would come in 1965–66 when they produced some worthy if unreleased material, including “Soul Shack”, “Faith In Me” and others, which would not surface until the 2007 CD The Rich Records Story. Richbourg carried the Rich artist contracts over to Sound Stage 7, which saw a re-release of “Right On Time” a year later, and the ballad double-sider “Twinkle” / “You’ve Got Me (In The Palm Of Your Hand)”.

Jimmy Church, circa 1964 (image courtesy of Jimmy Church)

THE WILLIAM BELL / PEACHTREE RECORDS CONNECTION

In 1968, The King Casuals came to the attention of William Bell’s manager Henry Wynn, who headed the Supersonic Attractions booking agency out of Atlanta. The agency had been contracted to supply the band and support artists for an upcoming tour headed by Jackie Wilson, The Impressions and Barbara Mason. Most of the support acts were not held within a recording contract at that time, so Bell and Wynn formed the Peachtree label as platform for these artists. Wynn also wanted Johnny Jones and his band to back other major artists. Church asked John Richbourg if he could be released from the Sound Stage 7 contract in order to join the band on the tour. Richbourg, riding high with the commercial success of Joe Simon, anotehr SS7 artist, gave him his blessing. Sadly the tour would involve tragedy when Johnny Jones’ horn section and The Impressions’ rhythm section were killed in an automobile accident while travelling the Carolinas.

At the time of the Peachtree signing, Wynn divided Jimmy and the rest of the band into two separate acts, both recording for the label at the same time. Jimmy Church’s frantic soul dancer “Thinking About The Good Times” and the ballad flip “Shadow Of Another Man’s Love” was the initial 45 release for the label, both produced by William Bell. Despite writing both tracks for the label, Jimmy reports he didn’t receive a cent.

In name at least, The King Casuals had one 45 release on the label: “Soul Poppin’ “ / “Blues For The Brothers”. Johnny Jones would also appear uncredited on “Mighty Low — Parts 1 and 2” and “Do Unto Others” / “Hong Kong Harlem”. “Purple Haze” was initially earmarked for a Peachtree release, but Bell and Wynn sought an opportunity for better national distribution. The song caught the attention of major label Brunswick. The group’s own funk rendition of Hendrix’s “Purple Haze” with Johnny Jones on lead vocal went on to become a brief favourite on the UK northern soul scene.

LATER YEARS

The later Jimi Hendrix story of course took a different direction, and that of course is now well documented. Hendrix died aged 27. Johnny Jones continued to perform until his own demise in 2009. Billy Cox continued to play as bassist by Jimi’s side after his meteoric rise to fame at Woodstock, then became the owner of a blues and gospel themed video production company. Cox also co-authored and contributed to a number of biographies on Jimi Hendrix, was inducted into the Musicians Hall of Fame.

Jimmy Church formed his own revue act in the early 1970s. Managed by South Eastern Attractions out of Birmingham, AL, they proved to be a popular booking on the southern college music scene. Today, Jimmy Church remains active in many ways. To the older African-American community he is regarded as a guardian of local R&B history. As organiser for the Tennessee Rhythm and Blues Society, Church co-ordinates regular events at Carole-Ann’s Café on Murfreesboro Pike in Nashville where artists from previous decades are invited to perform on stage; an acknowledgement of their contribution to the Nashville music scene. The Jimmy Church Band are a popular high profile event act, having performed in the presence of members of the British Royal family in Memphis and in England in recent years, and at inaugural balls for numerous US Governors.

A latter-day Jimmy Church (left) with Michael Gray, Museum Editor of Nashville Country Hall of Fame, and Frank Howard, of Frank Howard and the Commanders. Plugging my Nashville book—saved me the airfare from the UK! (image courtesy of Michael Gray).

Given the extent of his meteoric rise to fame after he landed on UK shores, perhaps it’s not entirely surprising that the early chapters of Jimi Hendrix’s life are less well recorded. But his Nashville period was milestone stuff, with a wealth of musical talent that surrounded him quietly informing his creative genius. Thanks to the likes of Hendrix, Cox, Jones, and Jimmy Church, we have a rich, alternative history to Music City’s past.

(Modified excerpt from the book House of Broken Hearts: The Soul of 1960s Nashville)

(Copyright 2025) E. Mark Windle is a UK-based freelance writer who works with domestic and international clients. He has also worked as a senior writer for Story Terrace (London, UK), and as a ghostwriter for Sheridan Hill / Real Life Stories LLC (North Carolina, USA).

The Keffiyeh—On Culture, Consumerism and Sumud

E. Mark Windle 18 October 2025 (photography: Mandy Farrar)

Sumūd (Arabic, noun: steadfastness, perseverance)

Among the uncertainties that laid ahead for the Global Sumud Flotilla as it sailed towards Gaza recently, there was one known—that its effect on holding the world’s focus on Gaza hasn’t gone unnoticed. Uninformed, or biased armchair critics may have fired their predictable comments about the flotilla as futile saviourism. But another side of society views this non-violent civilian campaign as a genuine international display of empathy; a necessary response in light of government inertia (and in some cases, complicity) to events in Gaza. The flood of support from social media and press reports alluded to that, as have the turn-outs at the ports, or the despatch of naval vessels from more supportive countries to provide ‘surveillance and recovery assistance’.

Media attention also cemented that sense of solidarity, by broadcasting scenes of the vessels preparing to set sail from various ports across Europe and North Africa. A common theme in those images, in addition to crowds bearing Palestinian flags, has been the sight of the keffiyeh: that universally recognised symbol of resistance and resilience.

AN ARAB TRADITION

Depending on the region (or design), you might hear the traditional Arab scarf / headdress referred to by other names. Maybe the hattah, the ghutrah or shemagh. Its original purpose was purely functional. Some say the nomadic Bedouin from the Arabian Peninsula and modern-day Iraq were first to wear it as protection from the sun and desert sand. Indeed, the word kuffiyeh appears to have been derived from the city of Kufa, situated south of Baghdad. Farmers and villagers of Arab lands east of Egypt also adopted the scarf, requiring similar shielding from the dust that blows on the Levant’s largely arid landscape, or to double as a shoulder wrap in cool evenings or during winter.

PALESTINIAN IDENTITY

Over a relatively recent period of time in world history terms—pretty much in the last 100 years—this simple accessory has established itself as a symbol of solidarity, a fashion statement, and an icon of Arab culture. The Arab Revolt of the mid-1930s seems to mark the point where the keffiyeh‘s role extended from a practical one to a proud representation of Palestinian identity, and demand for an end to occupation.

Prior to the Revolt, keffiyeh-wearing was confined primarily to rural fellahin. Wealthier communities had the tarbush, or fez, as their status symbol. But soon Arab rebel leaders were encouraging all Palestinians to adopt the distinct black and white-patterned kuffiyeh that the world instantly recognises today, with its fishnet motif signifying an association with the sea, bold lines referencing trade routes, and curved shapes for olive trees or ears of corn. As a symbol of sumud, the importance of wearing the keffiyeh came to the fore when Israel prohibited public displays of the Palestinian flag in occupied West Bank and the Gaza Strip in 1967. That flag ban was only revoked in 1993—to be reinstated once again in 2023 by Itamar Ben-Gvir, Minister of National Security.

(Mandy Farrar)

WESTERN CONSCIOUSNESS AND POLARISATION

There have been many public figures who have worn the keffiyeh. Nelson Mandela, Fidel Castro, PLO leader Yasser Arafat are obvious examples, and without a doubt, these individuals brought the scarf to the attention of the wider world. Considering the political spheres these individuals moved in, the keffiyeh also tends to divide opinion on what it represents. For some international observers, it’s an instantly recognisable display of unity and self-determination, lending itself perfectly to various movements that campaign against social injustice or oppression. Others associate it with darker connotations— radicalism, terrorism, and AK-47s.

These days, society is polarised. The plight of the people of Gaza has brought about global focus, empathy and solidarity. At the same time, the far-right are now given very visible public platforms on domestic issues of race and immigration. Western paranoia bred via these fronts and by biased or state-controlled media has reinforced racist sentiment. We now have increases in hate crime, unprovoked verbal attacks, destruction of property, and violence. In 2023, three college students in Burlington, Vermont were shot on their way to a family dinner, for no determinable reason other than speaking Arabic—and wearing keffiyehs.

THE QUICK BUCK

Hints were about in the 1970s and 1980s that the keffiyeh could become an international fashion accessory as it became adopted initially by youth subculture. Then European fashion houses like Balenciaga, Isabel Marant and Louis Vuitton introduced it to the catwalks, perhaps in admiration for the aesthetic rather than an industry desire to make a political statement.

Ultimately, the scarf and its design filtered down to the high street. China was the first to grab the opportunity for mass production, using a cheaper cotton and polyester blend as opposed to traditional 100% cotton fabric. To this day East Asia continues to be a major exporter to the west and (ironically) to the Arab nations. From a Palestinian perspective, the combination of outside competition plus Israeli tensions has drastically threatened the domestic capacity for keffiyeh production. In 2000, there were 120 textile factories in the West Bank. Within a year of China entering the market, most of these were forced to close.

These days only one commercial Palestinian manufacturer operates in Israeli-occupied West Bank. At its most productive, the Hirbawi family business had a turnover of 750 scarves per day. In 2010, with only two looms operating, 300 keffiyehs were made weekly. That number has increased dramatically in recent years, though frustratingly Hirbawi is unable to meet demand. Most of what is made sells in the West Bank, with a smaller percentage reaching neighbouring Arab countries and Europe.

Whenever fashion co-opts ethnic or traditional clothing and designs, the question of appropriation inevitably comes up. The patterned keffiyeh is now firmly established as a marketable commodity, along with Free Palestine mugs, Gaza-shaped pendant necklaces, watermelon T-shirts and keffiyeh pattern inspired skirts, blouses and cardigans. There will always be drop-shippers and entrepreneurs ready to cash in. Some will also argue—rightly—that despite its association, the print is not an exclusively Palestinian tradition. But I firmly disagree with writer Ellie Violet Bramley’s comment in her Guardian article, The Keffiyeh: Symbol of Palestinian Struggle Falls Victim to Fashion, that keffiyeh print has shifted from ‘activist chic’ to ‘straight-up chic’. There’s a much bigger picture here.

STATEMENT OF GLOBAL SOLIDARITY

World sales of the keffiyeh have not diluted its symbolic importance. Many wearers who are not Palestinian, or even Arab, consider it as visible affirmation of their commitment to support the oppressed or under-represented: that empathy and concern for others (including communities other than their own) still exist even in today’s society.

Purchases support the Palestinian cause in very practical ways too. Sales of scarves and derivative clothing, like those sold by the Palestinian Solidarity Campaign, fund resources required for media campaigns, lobbying government, and organising human rights rallies. The fashion outlet Wear the Peace, whose two founders are descendants of refugees, provided 200,000 USD directly to Gaza since last November through profits from their “Palestine Collections” range. Through ethical sourcing, a range of international fashion retailers provide vital links that help Palestinian businesses like Hirbawi to survive.

There has also been an unprecedented demand for the keffiyeh since Israel’s offensive on Gaza. It’s no coincidence that within two months of the escalation in conflict since 7 October 2023, online sales of keffiyehs and traditional Palestinian clothing increased by 330% according to the data analyst company Jungle Scout. Surely, further evidence of the world’s compassion and support for the people of Palestine.

Author bio: E. Mark Windle is a freelance writer and author with interests in human rights and international culture. He has also worked on multiple biographical projects as a senior writer for Story Terrace (London, UK), and as a ghostwriter with Sheridan Hill / Real Life Stories LLC (North Carolina, USA).

Malnutrition, Infection and Poor Wound Healing—Contributors to the Predicted Gaza Death Toll

E. Mark Windle 30 May 2025.

A range of amino acids, vitamins and minerals are essential for the manufacture and functioning of immune cells. Optimum immune function is dependent not only an adequate intake of these nutrients but also on the ability of the body to utilise them. Chronic gastrointestinal disease and related malabsorption, vomiting or reduced intake due to nausea perpetuates the malnutrition-infection cycle.

SOURCES OF INFECTION

Cases of watery diarrhoea in Gaza reported by the Health Cluster and WHO in August 2024 were in excess of 577,000. Data collated by Medecins San Frontieres, other healthcare organisations and emergency clinics suggested another 100,000 cases had occurred by the end of the first year of the conflict. While gastrointestinal disease in Gaza has had bacterial, viral and parasitic origins, a particular culprit has been the viral pathogen Hepatitis A, causing fatigue, nausea and abdominal pain.

The polio virus produces debilitating and often irreversible neurological and neuromuscular damage (rather than gastrointestinal symptoms) but had been completely eradicated from Gaza for 25 years with the rolling-out of vaccination. The rediscovery of the virus during wastewater sampling in July 2024 was deeply concerning, though not entirely surprising given the extreme living and sanitary conditions. Mass vaccination programmes followed the confirmation of the first case of a child paralyzed by polio in Deir al-Balah. Some attempts were thwarted due to bombing in northern Gaza. Meanwhile, the IDF offered immunisation sessions for its soldiers.

Having taken the main force of airstrikes in the early phases of the war, north and central regions were exposed to extremely poor sanitary conditions. Increases in gastrointestinal, respiratory and skin infections reflected this. Outbreaks of parasitic disease such as scabies and lice were also on the rise. To assess the situation, Solutions Consultancy Research and Monitoring performed a survey at household level to assess the situation. To “adjust” for a lack of available water, 78% of families had reduced oral intake and 42% reduced personal hygiene practices. More than three-quarters reported being unable to access soap, sanitary pads, disposable diapers or detergent (for washing dishes) for at least a month. Open sewage was an issue — only one third had access to a functioning toilet. With unhygienic conditions so prevalent, implementation of sanitation-related facilities was essential to break the malnutrition-infection cycle. However, full integration of these at a local level was almost impossible — aid agencies continually fought an uphill battle given extent of the destruction of sanitary facilities, the exponential rise in the incidence of disease, and logistical difficulties of executing vaccination programmes in a war zone.

FOOD POISONING

Other hazards included food poisoning due to transport delays of perishable goods, and a lack of electricity for cooking and refrigeration purposes. Fifteen women and children were hospitalised due to eating spoiled canned products in the Shujaiya region. Accusations from Palestinian Civil Defence that the IDF had deliberately left these goods to cause harm on consumption went unchallenged. In a separate incident, Israeli soldiers suffered food poisoning outbreak caused by Shigella bacterial infection — reportedly as a result of donated food that had been inadequately stored. Foraging and consumption of products intended for animal consumption has also been common practice among Gazan civilians. In the north, children were admitted to Kamal Adwan Hospital with food poisoning after consuming animal feed consisting of straw, barley and corn.

EFFECTS OF MALNUTRITION AND INFECTION ON WOUND HEALING

A number of processes are involved in wound healing, including haemostasis (clotting processes), inflammation (immune cell infiltration at the wound site), proliferation (synthesis of new skin cells, vasculature and collagen) and a final remodelling phase that can take several months before wound resolution or scar formation is complete.

Old age, the presence of diabetes and other non-communicable diseases, and lifestyle factors such as smoking can all negatively influence wound healing. Adequate nutrition is a key part of management — many nutrients are required for optimising immune function and structural repair. Amino acids from dietary protein sources provide the materials for rebuilding muscle and growth, scar formation and for tissues that connect muscle to bone. A range of B vitamins are crucial for red blood cell formation, and in the maintenance of skin and nerve cell integrity. Red blood cell replication is dependent on folic acid and cobalamin (vitamin B12). Vitamin C is found in high amounts in lymphocyte cells. As an antioxidant it also protects against free radicals, harmful by-products produced in biochemical reactions that would otherwise damage vessels and organs. Vitamin E and K are also indirectly involved in wound healing due to their roles in immune function and regulation of blood clotting. It is logical then — and has been repeatedly confirmed through research in elective hospitalised surgical patients — that malnourished subjects have an increased risk of wound infection, delayed wound repair, sepsis, and longer-term complications.

INJURIES SUSTAINED IN THE ISRAEL-HAMAS CONFLICT

Where both nutrition and sanitary conditions are severely compromised in combat zones, the effect is heightened. Medical staff in Gaza frequently reported finding open wounds infested with maggots or remaining unhealed due to chronic bacterial infection, including the emergence of Methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus (MRSA) and other antibiotic-resistant strains. In one Khan Younis clinic operated by the NGO Anera, infected conflict-related wounds were the most common type encountered. Approximately 750 cases were managed per month.

Prior to the Israel-Hamas war, a study of adult burned patients in the Gaza Strip highlighted that a high number of injuries were the result of cooking accidents. In the Anera clinic, burns were the second most common injury seen and reflected a mix of combat and domestic-related incidents. Burn severity is determined by burn size and depth, and age of the patient. These are important predictors of long-term complications and mortality. Regarding size, a major burn injury is usually considered to one affected at least 20% total body surface area (the equivalent surface area of one whole arm or greater, although the actual wound distribution is often not confined to one area). Clinical management requires early rescue and intravenous fluid resuscitation to correct the life-threatening drop in blood volume that occurs as part of the physiological response. Due to the difficulties of accessing emergency services in Gaza, most individuals with major burns are likely to have died at or near where the injury was acquired, whether by airstrike, rigged ground explosions, property fires or white phosphorous airdrops. Aggressive nutritional support to counter the catabolic effects of major burn injury. Dietary protein requirements in the acute phase can be 1.5–2g/kg body weight per day — up to twice that of a non-burned patient. Daily energy needs are also often raised well above baseline.

PREDICTED CONTRIBUTION TO THE DEATH TOLL

Attributing death toll figures “directly” to malnutrition and food insecurity is complex and difficult to assess on a mass scale and in a war zone. Given those caveats, Gaza remains at risk of famine according to the UN and other supporters of the IPC food security monitoring scales. In straightforward terms, it is predicted that 50,000 cases of acute malnutrition in Gazan children will require management in 2025. Latest figures suggest that the ultimate death toll could be as much as 200,000 due to the effect of malnutrition and infected wounds on a sustained background of unresolved sanitation systems, blockades on drinking water and food, and an inability to access appropriate healthcare.

Aid Airdrops in Gaza—Shifting the Danger from Distribution Hubs to the Beaches

E. Mark Windle 26 July 2025.

As cases of severe malnutrition in Gaza continue to rise (and killings continue at the distribution hubs), tonight’s media headline is that Israel is allowing Jordan and UAE to conduct food airdrops in the next few days, apparently with UK involvement.

Deliveries of aid by airdrops have been attempted previously in Gaza, all with limited or zero success. The US, the UK and France have frequently employed airdrops throughout the Israel-Hamas conflict — though ironically this has usually been to deliver arms to Israeli forces rather than provision of humanitarian aid.

Airdrops are costly and extremely inefficient. One UN aid truck has a typical capacity of up to 20 tons of aid. According to UK government figures, each flight drop by the Royal Air Force has averaged around 10 tons. Given that open areas are required for parachute landings, the flat Gazan coastline has been a popular target for drops.

However, packages can land in the sea or present a danger to civilians — in active conflict zones, parachuted palettes of goods may be released from a height of 300 to 5,000 metres. Crowd desperation and the presence of semi-organised gangs waiting for airdrops also result in less-than-fair distribution of items.

And of course, let’s not forget that the IDF have openly declared they will target any Gazans attempting to enter the sea.

“The Hundred Year Hunger. A Timeline of Food Insecurity and Malnutrition in Gaza” by E. Mark Windle is available to order here (UK customers only). Non-UK customers should order via Lulu.

Gaza and the Floating Pier: The 230 Million Dollar Turkey

E. Mark Windle 22 June 2025.

Following the events of 7 October 2023, the effects of Netanyahu’s declaration of war and instructions of a complete blockade by Defence Minister Yoav Gallant were immediate. The water supply via the Mekerot pipeline network into the Strip was halted. Gazans were now wholly dependent on existing stocks of bottled drinking water, or tank loads that had already been brought in by aid agencies. For those in the north who followed Israel’s order to evacuate homes, only small supplies of food and water could be carried by family members on foot or by those who had some form of transport. Aid needed to reach these civilians via one route or another, and options were limited.

BORDER AND ROAD BLOCKADES

Even before the conflict, only three official border crossings out of the seven were open. Those were strictly controlled for commercial or humanitarian passage, or in the case of Rafah on the Egyptian border, subject costly unofficial processing systems and lengthy security checks. All routes were now closed and guarded. This remained the situation for two weeks, until calls from the international community forced a partial reversal of the decision for a blockade to allow the entry of humanitarian aid.

As far as Israeli security was concerned, Rafah was logically the first crossing to reopen. From the Egyptian point of view, doing so would carry an unmanageable surge of Gazans attempting to seek safety. It would also exacerbate the longstanding fear that Hamas and other paramilitary groups would enter the country and draw Egypt into a complex military and political situation. The Rafah border crossing was opened although goods entering Gaza were limited, with both Egypt and Israel searching cargo and dictating the number of trucks and the volume of aid allowed to pass. Since the opening of the Rafah crossing and until February 2024, around 200–300 trucks passed each day. This was less than half of usual. Some other crossings were opened under negotiation, including Kerem Shalom — one of the four crossings which had been closed prior to the conflict — and Nitzana and Kissufim.

TRUCK CONVOY CHALLENGES

Convoys faced a precarious journey even on the Israeli side of the border. Protest groups opposing the supply of aid while Israeli hostages were still being held captive by Hamas, attempted to sabotage operations. A series of demonstrations by Tsav 9, Forum Tikva and Warrior Mothers were made at the crossings of Kerem Shalom, Nitzana, Tarqumiyah and others.

These protests frequently turned hostile or violent. Truck drivers were stoned, and food and clothing supplies taken or destroyed. In one instance, trucks were torched by a teenage gang from the Israeli settlement at Evyatar. The passiveness of local Israeli police and inadequate protection for trucks travelling to the border were reported by two senior security commissioners to have been the result of a direct order from Itamar Ben-Gvir, Minister of National Security.

On entering Gaza, the danger for aid workers only heightened. The Gaza Ministry of Health, the United Nations and charities have repeatedly reported a number of attacks on aid workers enroute to central storage hubs, and on workers and those waiting for food at distribution centres. A small convoy of World Central Kitchen cars travelling between their warehouse and a food distribution area was targeted by missiles fired from an Israeli drone, killing seven workers. IDF later claimed there had been a serious violation of standard military operating procedures and had dismissed a number of senior officers and commanders. By November 2024, it was estimated that over 320 aid workers had been killed by Israeli snipers, open fire and airstrikes.

ALTERNATIVES TO GROUND CONVOYS

With the persistent problem of the limitations placed on entry at the border, and because of the dangers convoys were exposed to by the military and looting once inside Gaza, adjunct methods of aid delivery were proposed. Delivery of aid by airdrops and flotillas had been attempted previously in Gaza, all with limited or no success. However, by January 2024, the border blockades and conflict inside Gaza were hindering the supply of more than half intended truck deliveries.

The US, the UK and France have frequently employed airdrops throughout the Israel-Hamas conflict, though ironically this has usually been to deliver arms to Israeli forces rather than the provision of humanitarian aid. In the latter respect, packages have included legumes, cereal products, water, ready-to-eat meals, tinned food and women’s sanitary products.

Airdrops are costly and extremely inefficient. One truck has a capacity of up to 20 tons of aid: according to UK government figures, each flight drop by the Royal Air Force has averaged around 10 tons. Given that open areas are required for parachute landings, the flat Gazan coastline has been a popular target.

THE FLOATING PIER CONCEPT

The concept of using a floating pier and causeway as another temporary route of access was driven by the US Biden Administration, initially with reluctant agreement from Netanyahu. Within two months, the US military had constructed a floating modular platform, fixed in position three miles offshore. Goods would be unloaded from incoming ships, then transferred by smaller boats to a 500-metre long coastal pier on the beach. On the 9th May, the USS Sagamore was the first vessel to leave with cargo from the Cypriot port of Larnaca. A week later, the causeway was operational.

SCEPTICISM AND ABANDONMENT

The project was fraught with controversy from the outset. NGOs had little faith in promises of the protection of aid convoys travelling to and from the pier, particularly following the recent attack on World Central Kitchen staff. Some viewed the pier as a PR stunt by the US administration.

There was also scepticism that the pier would be used purely for a humanitarian purpose. Homes in the al-Zahra neighbourhood were completely demolished in the name of creating a buffer zone for pier access. It may also have been used by the IDF — in coordination with US forces — for a hostage rescue operation at Nuseirat refugee camp which had left over 200 Palestinians dead. US forces denied it had been used for military purposes, despite video footage of military equipment on the pier.

By 17th July 2024, beset by bad weather, sea swells, structural damage and the need for removal of parts for repair, the pier was closed. The US Department of Defense originally claimed it would facilitate the delivery of up to two million meals per day. In all, the concept had cost 230 million US dollars and was fully operational for only 20 days.

The pier delivered the equivalent of one day’s aid.

Modified excerpt from the book “The Hundred Year Hunger: A Timeline of Food Insecurity and Malnutrition in Gaza” by E. Mark Windle. Available to order now via A Nickel And A Nail (UK customers only). Rest of the world, order via Lulu.

(Copyright 2025) E. Mark Windle is a freelance writer and former clinical dietitian specialising in major burn injury and critical care nutrition. He has written for The Journal of Human Nutrition and Dietetics, The Journal of Burn Care and Research, Dietetics Today and Complete Nutrition. Mark was commissioned by the British Dietetic Association to contribute to The Manual of Dietetic Practice (Fifth Edition), the core reference book of the UK dietetic profession. He is also author of Food, Digestion and Nutrition, published by Worth Press.

James Bates, Songwriter and Lead Singer of The Spontanes, Dies Aged 83.

E. Mark Windle 12 June 2025.

James Bates of North Carolina and lead singer of The Spontanes, has died after a period of illness on 6^th June 2025. Bates was most closely associated with the beach music group The Spontanes, a popular Gastonia group that initially ran from 1960 to 1968, but which has continued in various other guises in subsequent years.

James Edward Bates was born February 11, 1942 in Gaffney, South Carolina. His love for soul music and entertainment led to a long tenure with The Spontanes, including stage appearances at numerous Spartanburg, Charlotte, and Greensboro venues and at the University of Georgia campuses. As well as live performances, The Spontanes went on to record for the Eclipse, Beaver and Deck labels throughout the 1970s and 1980s.

Their first outing, “Share My Name”, was written by James Bates and recorded in 1965 with Bates also taking lead vocals. The song was released as a 45rpm single on the Casino label. It was also included on the mid-1960s LP “The Spontanes Play Solid Soul”, released by Hit Records (an imprint of the Hit Attractions booking agency). Bates provided most of the vocals on the album, alongside Ronnie Owenby.

The Spontanes second 45rpm single, “Where Did I Go Wrong”, was written by Bates while he was in his twenties. Again he provided lead vocals, and the song was picked up the major label United Artists in the late 1960s. Bates stayed with this version of the band until 1969 until a temporary move to The Rivieras, a Charlotte band who were busy performing at frat party and high school bookings throughout North Carolina.

In later decades, Bates settled in the Gastonia-Dallas area of North Carolina, where he pursued his love of golf, though still continued to perform music. A 2011 reunion brought together old band mates, and a DVD recording was made in Gaston County of the “Original Spontanes” and other local R&B bands from the 1960s. James Bates was inducted into the Carolina Beach Music Hall of Fame in the same year.

He is survived by his three children, six grandchildren and six great-grandchildren and was interred at the First Presbyterian Church of Dallas Cemetery.

(Copyright 2025) E. Mark Windle is an independent freelance writer and biographer. He has also worked as a senior writer with Story Terrace (London, UK), and for Sheridan Hill / Real Life Stories LLC (North Carolina, USA). For more information on writing services or to discuss potential commissions reach out to Mark at https://windlefreelance.com/

Press Release: The Hundred Year Hunger by E. Mark Windle

E. Mark Windle 6 June 2025

“The paradox is that the tale of Palestine from the beginning until today is a simple story of colonialism and dispossession, yet the world treats it as a multifaceted and complex story — hard to understand and even harder to solve.” (Ilan Pappé)

It is a tragic sign of the times when little introductory narrative is required for the near apocalyptic scenes in the Gaza Strip today. The world has watched from a distance, while Israel’s onslaught and the civilian death toll in the Israel-Hamas conflict progresses to a level that once seemed unimaginable. Each day, the nightmare that Palestinian civilians endure takes on a new dimension.

Since the beginning of the last century (and even before), Gaza’s history has been dominated by political decisions and conflicts relating to Arab and Jewish perceived ancestral rights. For decades now, historians, philosophers, and academics have argued the fine detail of Gaza’s politics and the feasibility of future coexistence. Claims and counterclaims have been made by prime ministers, government officials (de facto or otherwise), Zionists, radical Palestinian factions and ordinary civilians on both sides of the border. While “The Hundred Year Hunger” is not intended to be a political microanalysis, it would have been impossible to present its theme—Gaza’s nutritional welfare—without political context. The two are inseparable.

My motivation to investigate Gaza’s history of food insecurity and malnutrition stems from a former background as a specialist dietitian. The bulk of my 25 years in the NHS was spent working in critical care and burns nutrition at Pinderfields Hospital in the north of England. I witnessed at first-hand how much nutritional status can influence recovery and survival from major physiological trauma. From the relative comfort of my First World clinical setting, it was clear how timely surgical intervention, medicine, nutrition support and the efforts of a skilled multidisciplinary team can significantly optimise clinical outcome. The scenario created by Israel’s long- term offensive in Gaza struck me as a stark antithesis. Constant blockades, the widespread destruction of infrastructure, and people-herding have resulted in a chronic and severe lack of access to medical and nutritional care.

But while it seems like society has entered a new level of immorality, Gaza’s story of food insecurity and oppression started way before the events of 7th October 2023. Like other parts of the Middle East, the Levant has been shaped over several centuries by a range of ethnic cultures, trade activity, religion, and invasion. Numerous colonial nations have claimed some or all of the land now referred to as Palestine. From the Bronze Age to contemporary times, the region has been occupied by Canaanite, Israelite, Roman, Philistine, Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian, Greek, Ottoman, and British Empires. And of course, the State of Israel itself.

The decision to home in on the last hundred years for this project was not an arbitrary one. Prior to the 1900s, Arab, Jewish, Bedouin and other communities in the Levant led fragile, self-sufficient existences. The phenomenon of large-scale enforced food insecurity particularly came to the fore in the last century. To investigate it, we have to consider latter-day Ottoman rule over Palestine; the British mandate; Israel’s proclamation of independence and mass displacement of Palestinians at the start of the Nakba; the Egyptian / United Arab Republic and Israeli occupations; and a subsequent series of critical incidents that have perpetuated Jewish and Arab tensions. A perfect storm doesn’t quite describe the Palestinian struggle. Rather, a cumulative assault through political upheaval, war, and mass displacement followed by population containment.

In “The Hundred Year Hunger” the timeline is explored of chronic food deprivation and malnutrition among the most vulnerable in Gazan society. Drawing from Palestinian, Israeli and international sources, the efforts and challenges faced by humanitarian aid organisations through the decades and in the current conflict are also presented.

Regardless of how Israel chooses to justify the latest conflict, food and water have consistently been weaponised through blockade and deprivation, with the result of inflicting harm on the Gazan population. As is the trend in such crises, the most vulnerable in society— women and children—are most affected by malnutrition. Anaemia and other manifestations of nutrient deficiency have led to adverse effects on maternal, foetal and child health. Miscarriage and birth defect rates are high. Suboptimal nutritional status also impairs immune function and the ability of mother and child to recover from disease. This baseline amplifies the number of civilian losses already caused by bombings and ground attacks from the IDF. Malnutrition also affects the ability to recover from injuries, limb loss, and surgery, thereby increasing mortality rates through wound infection and sepsis.

The unrelenting violence and destruction of the Gaza Strip, aided by arms funding from the US, the UK, Germany, Italy and others, paints a bleak picture for any survivors of the current war. There are a number of unknowns regarding Gaza’s eventual reconstruction. But even for that to begin, Gaza needs a ceasefire, immediate healthcare intervention and a solid plan to sustain the long-term nutritional welfare of the Gazan people. Without that, starvation and malnutrition may well be the end game.

“The Hundred Year Hunger. A Timeline of Food Insecurity and Malnutrition in Gaza” by E. Mark Windle is available to order here (UK customers only). International customers order via Lulu.